Wednesday, April 16, 2014

Beasts of this Earth.

I think the greatest disappointment of the last 50 years or so is the building realization that we are not the gods we imagined ourselves to be.

Just beasts of this Earth.

In our culture we have always imagined ourselves to be above the animals, but before we had God to remind us that we weren't gods.

Now God is dead and we've gone on ahead of ourselves. Now reality catches up and we're no longer even afforded the comforting myth that we were created in God's image.

Just beasts of this Earth.

But aren't we sophisticated beasts? Sophisticated enough to see what we are, innovate a morality of our own based on aspirations to something higher, yet be unable to live up to it.

This is the root of our disappointment. Our liberated minds want equality and freedom but our bodies do not. Our bodes just want security and the best genes for their offspring.

If not with our words, our deeds reveal who--or what--is in control.

Just beasts of this Earth.

Thursday, April 3, 2014

On Big Data and the Human Spirit

Big Data is more human than traditional data. This is in part because traditional data, in terms of scale, is so much more directly manageable. It’s still pretty hands on, especially in the social sciences. This means that over time we’ve gotten very good at working the human element out, or at least minimizing it. Big Data, not necessarily because of its size, but because of its indirectness means we have a great deal less control over where and how it’s collected. Moreover, it’s often collected as the electronic traces humans leave behind as they go about their lives. That’s all they typically are traces—not a data point in the traditional sense. When you conduct your own survey or download the General Social Survey, each data point is an answer to a question. You know what the data point represents. This isn’t so with Big Data because all your data points really are is a clue. And in order to know what it means, you must exercise that quintessential human faculty of sensemaking. Accordingly, modes of sensemaking are as diverse as we are, each with our own unique brand of it rooted in our upbringing, education, experience, chance, and perhaps even our genes. There is a growing library of techniques, or algorithms, available that may assist the analyst in generating sense from Big Data. That means use routines in order to sift through the universe of clues to find the patterns that tie them together into meaning. But while computational and likely embedded math and logic, they are not mathematics or logic. Those are closed systems of self-referencing definitions, defined by their inventors as perfect. The Pythagorean Theorem only works perfectly with imaginary triangles because no perfect triangles are known to exist. On the contrary, algorithms are merely the computational expressions of someone’s own sensemaking faculties—an externalized digitalization of a human mind. When you begin to create your own algorithms, you’ll be uploading a small bit of yourself to carry on your own human uniqueness inside a macroscopic, but highly simplified, virtualization of the real world.

As the science of Big Data matures, I expect to see a resurgence of the humanities and psychological sciences. Big Data’s promise, of course, is that it stands to give us a greater lens on humanity than ever before. But in fulfilling this promise, we will necessary reach advancements in our understanding of the human being as a thinking and feeling being, which may in the end, allow us to transcend entirely the limitations we’ve forever imagined ourselves to be bound.

Wednesday, April 2, 2014

The problem with polarization

The lasting hangover following this binge of politically partisan fervor will be that even moderates regard each other as partisans. Tragically, moderates were the ones who had a chance of finding common ground and making incremental progress. 

McCutcheon v. FEC is a blow to American democracy.

In the McCutcheon v. FEC decision (download here) the Supreme Court argues that people would be "delighted to see fewer television commercials touting a candidate's accomplishments or disparaging an opponent's character." The decision continues "[m]oney in politics may at times seem repugnant," tolerating speech we don't like is just the price we have to pay for our First Amendment rights. This seems to reflect a fundamental misunderstanding of what people are concerned about. No, nobody likes the endless campaign ads, but we're not upset because they're interrupting Dancing with the Stars. The proper conception of the problem that respectfully acknowledges the concerns of ordinary citizens is that unlimited campaign donations as free speech implies that people with more money get a bigger voice. We cannot ignore the embedded moral hazard, i.e,. the perverse incentives that encourage politicians to screen out the masses in favor of a handful of really, really big donor fish. Rather, the Supreme Court argues talk of corruption must be constrained to clear cases of quid pro quo, dollars-for-influence transactions. I'm sure these Justices are not so naive that they don't realize such claims, like perjury, are virtually impossible to prove.

What's most worrisome is how accepting we, collectively, have become of this practice. Enshrined in the court's decision is the argument that the current aggregate limit on campaign contributions from individuals to candidates ($48,600) allows individuals to contribute the per-candidate maximum of $5,200 to a mere nine candidates! According to data acquired by OpenSecrets (cited at FiveThirtyEight), this deeply unfair limitation on free speech applies to fewer than 600 people. Setting all the high-sounding legal philosophical debate aside for a moment, why are the Supreme Court's priorities such that they are willing to gamble with the liberty of hundreds of millions, for fear that one of these precious few 600 should be denied the opportunity to buy themselves entire legislatures? I argue that this is because this kind of corruption goes well beyond quid pro quo. In politics--as in most everything--priorities follow money. Money has the power to set priorities, by "taking something all the way to the Supreme Court!" Could you do that if you felt your rights weren't respected? No, because you don't have money, and as long as money is equated with free speech nobody will have time to listen to you. Competition ensures that those who attempt to defy this rule lose out to those who heed it. Natural selection.

This 5-4 decision (along party lines) is yet another blow to the integrity of American democracy. It's a hack from the most undemocratic branch of government (by design) that shifts the allegiances from the (by design) most democratic branch of government away from their popular constituencies to a small club of landed patricians.